The major question facing
socialists is the whether or not socialism is possible without total
revolution.
Much of early Marxist
theory and pre-WW1 socialism was premised on the idea that absent an actual
revolution there was no way to overthrow capitalist control of the economy and
government. Capitalists control the wealth of society and therefore have
significant resources to overwhelm any non-violent movement to redistribute
wealth. Additionally any move toward socialism would so threaten this group
that even the smallest steps are likely to bring about swift retribution. Therefore
it was the role of socialists to best bring about a worker revolution. The fury
of the workers would wash over the capitalist institutions and the police
protecting them through sheer numbers. Banks, business, and utilities would be
forcibly taken from the capitalists and placed under democratic control.
Within this group there was
a large division over Leninism and heightening the contradictions within
capitalism. Lenin argued the revolution can only be carried out once the apex
of contradiction within capitalism has been created; trying to bring about
socialism incrementally was doomed to failure. Opposing this view was the
majority of the international socialists, including Rosa Luxemburg. First and
foremost it was the duty of socialists to help the workers and oppressed around
the world, then to bring about the revolution. They persuasively argued that
revolution was not possible without the trust of the workers, and it was
necessary to help them in order to lead them.
While this was the major
split in socialist thought prior to the First World War there were early
manifestations of political actionists.
Political actionists argue
for the position that capitalist democracy can be taken over and co-opted for
socialist action. As a larger and larger percentage of the nation becomes
wageworkers a huge natural constituency for socialist politics is created. From
this a socialist party should be able to overwhelm capitalist candidates for
office, and take over the levers of government. Laws can be passed
nationalizing banks and utilities. This creates more popularity for the
governing socialists, allowing them to push further democratic control of the
economy. Eventually this process weakens the capitalist institutions to the
point where they can be drowned in a bathtub.
Political Actionistism was
particularly strong in the United States. All but the most radical US
socialists believed in political actionism. Even the forth convention of the
Industrial Workers of the World split in to two factions over this issue. Most
intellectual socialists in the United States also supported political
actionism, including W.E.B Du Bois. The most powerful and popular socialists in
the United States were not just organizers and intellectuals, but politicians.
Eugene Debs, Norman Thomas, Victor Berger.
Here Bernie Sanders is moderate,
and thoroughly in the mainstream of US socialist thought. He believes that the
time is right for the first steps of the political actionist agenda. Bring
about a groundswell of popular support and sweep leftists and socialists in to
control. From there enact the first stages of socialist reform. Eugene Debs
believed that in the US context that a presidential campaign is most likely to
bring about this political revolution.
It is somewhat ironic that
in our current political context that many liberal wonks are implicitly
supporting revolutionary socialism. By arguing that simple socialist steps,
like single payer health care, are impossible in the political context of the
United States they are really saying that the only way you will have any
socialism is if you pry it out of capitalists by force. Their cries ring
familiar to those of 19th century German and British intellectuals.
Patience! Restraint! Work with the System! One day Clinton Lloyd George
will give us health insurance!
One or the other, the pen
or the sword.